Diasporic Returns to the Ethnic Homeland by Takeyuki Tsuda & Changzoo Song

Author:Takeyuki Tsuda & Changzoo Song
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9783319907635
Publisher: Springer International Publishing

Return Migration of Korean Americans

In 2015, the number of “Korean Americans residing in South Korea” with F-4 visas is 46,061, which is more than double that of 2005 (18,409) (Cha 2015; Ministry of Justice 2005: 584). According to the South Korean visa system, the definition of Korean American here is an American-born or naturalized American citizen who was born in Korea and migrated to the USA. The South Korean government considers this group to be migukgukjeok dongpo (ethnic Koreans with US nationality) which is a new subgroup under jaemi dongpo . Another figure related to return migration of Korean Americans given by the South Korean government is the number of “permanent return migrants” from the USA. According to the diplomatic white papers published by the South Korean ministry of foreign affairs annually from 1997 to 2005, the number of “permanent return migrants” of jaemi dongpo is 20,738. This survey is a legal process in that the permanent return migration requires the relinquishment of permanent resident status to the US government and submitting the official document to the South Korean government in order for jaemi dongpo to receive a South Korean resident registration number .

In general, they would be considered “Korean American return migrants (miguk hanin )”. Although they are not the prime object of research on the transformation of ethnic identity of Korean American return migrants who through the experience of return migrating and interacting with the new host society redefine their ethnic consciousness, the process of return is a complicated one involving differentiation and coalescence. In fact, a closer look at the return migration of Korean Americans shows that not only the governmental figures tabulated with a narrow legal definition of Korean American are unhelpful but by overlooking the situational and cultural contexts of Korean American ethnic identity, they prevent us from seeing the process of return migrating and identity negotiation as a complicated and fluid process.

For example, Park (2003) writes that, in 2000, there were around 30,000 Koreans who are dual nationals. Among them, about 2/3 have both Korean nationality and US citizenship. Since the new nationality act revised in 1999 stipulates that any Korean with dual nationality aged above 22 will automatically lose his or her Korean nationality, we can assume that 30,000 dual nationals whom the South Korean government keeps records on are all aged below 22 and born in a foreign country. Thus, roughly, 20,000 are US-born Korean Americans . Many of them are children of Korean migrants without permanent resident status discussed below. Claire and Amy belonged to this group. They were born in the USA and returned to South Korea with their parents when they were young, “returned” again to the USA for college education, and “returned” again to South Korea. As they grew older, they were re-categorized as “Korean Americans residing in South Korea” or “F-4’s” named after the residential visa given to ethnic Korean with foreign nationality. In other words, the return migration of Korean Americans not only involves actual movement

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